Favoriser l’accès à l’éducat ion, notamment des filles, en rendant le droit à l’enseignement réel pour ces écoliers qui habitent parfois jusqu’à 13 km de leur école, voici un des combats que mène l’association Almadanya. Ces enfants résidant dans des zones rurales et des régions défavorisées ont pu, pour certains, effectuer leur première rentrée scolaire. Ce sont cinq nouveaux gouvernorats tunisiens qui ont bénéficié de ce programme de transport nommé « Fatma ». Une mesure qui devrait permettre de réduire le taux d’abandon scolaire et donner à ces jeunes une réelle éducation et apprentissage. Sacs à dos, fournitures, livres ont aussi été distribués. Un pas important sur une route encore bien longue.

http://www.trymemagazine.com/

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D’après la page officielle de l’Association tunisienne pour le développement, Almadanya sur facebook, la championne tunisienne d’équitation AMEL MEZIANE vient de gagner le prix Almadanya de l’excellence  pour l’année de 2014.

Dans le cas d’Amel, sa participation au concours international de Jumping de Monaco durant 26-27 et 28 juin sera entièrement prise en charge par la Fondation.

article original : http://www.baya.tn/2014/06/21/amel-meziane-gagne-le-prix-almadanya-pour-lexcellence-2014/

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#ItTakes Civil Society Organizations

Combined with the 2013 meeting’s « hashtag », which is the term for a social media meme, #ItTakes, it was easy to enlist civil society organizations among the online audience to comment. For social media followers, there was certainly much online discussion the Annual World Bank-International Monetary Fund (IMF) Spring Meetings that primarily focused on the Tunisian and Egyptian IMF loan decisions, rather than the other widely used hashtag « #educationfirst » throughout the week-long online/offline discussions.

During the meetings, 551 representatives from Civil Society Organizations arrived in Washington, D.C. to participate in about sixty CSO sessions that engage on better program management to partnering with the United Nations for Millennium Development Goal projects, like sanitation and education. Traveling to Washington, D.C., let alone, the U.S. is expensive. So it is understandable that over 20 percent of the CSO representatives come from the U.S. However, even if one were to subtract 100 of those American CSO reps from the total, only 23 of 451 representatives came from the Middle East & North Africa region itself.

Among MENA countries, those represented, came from some countries going through economic and political transition, like Tunisia, Yemen, and Egypt. Civil society institutions who were unable to attend, observed and questioned from Tunisia, like Twitter user, Saida Manoubia who asked over Twitter as @khaffousa: « if there could be growth without development, and how did #tunisia achieve the growth he is talking about? »

Yet, no civil society organizations arrived from Libya or Syria — with the exception of some press from those countries. (But how can press from Bahrain, Libya, and Syria report on what is not shared by CSOs visiting from their countries when they may not report on what they hear from them events transpiring within their own countries?) Unfortunately, country-specific examples, like Syria and Yemen were described in relevant CSO panels, like the « Rule of Law & Security » Thursday session, but with no one chiming in at the panel from those countries… or from Libyans (and Syrians) in real time on Twitter.

For that matter, even countries that were used as MENA specific examples in World Bank panel discussions, that had not undergone a revolution in the last two years did not include the voices from civil society organizations. I am not saying that they do not exist, but one may wonder why the UAE, Palestine, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Algeria, and Jordan did not have civil society organization representatives participating. For example, most MENA countries provide some sort of subsidy, and could relate to Friday’s session, « Inclusion and Resilience: The Way Forward for Social Safety Nets in the Middle East & North Africa. » Specifically, the talk shared ways in which government and civil society could partner to undertake food and fuel subsidies reform and engage on larger social safety net support mechanisms. Both Morocco and Palestine were cited as examples of reducing certain subsidies by the Director of MENA’s Human Development division at the World Bank, Steen Jorgensen. At least the Egypt-based, Egyptian Center for Economic Studies, represented a MENA-based perspective that described the support Egypt-based CSOs give to supplement the social safety net challenge.

Two Hopes for MENA CSOs in 2014

What was most disappointing was not seeing any civil society organizations from the MENA region sitting in on the two panels that look at the social dimensions of the « Shared Prosperity » theme. The first was the « Rule of Law & Security » panel — which I can understand because maybe « political » terms and « fragile economies » require country representatives to admit that political judgements will be cast in the discussion. As one of the panelists stated, « If we create a lot of laws, and then people don’t enforce them, then we [governments] lose credibility. »

The second panel lacking any MENA civil society organization voice was the « From Vision to Action: Youth Engagement » discussion. Fine, they were not among the speakers. As a blogger, I accept that with a taxing schedule of 60 sessions, the few MENA CSOs may have had prior speaking commitments and could not speak on the panel. But my disappointment stems from more than just a blogging point or tweet. My disappointment bears repeating because the panel recognized the social and economic imperative of engaging across generations. Inter-generation engagement is what makes up « boosting the shared Prosperity » agenda, according to Kim, who emphasized including the younger generation in the « inclusivity » reforms. I would have liked to know what actual MENA-based CSOs thought about « what it takes to become a respected and impactful leader and how to leverage social media for social impact from the local to the global levels » (the goal of the panel), which would would have triggered a two-way dialogue had MENA CSO representatives at least sat in the audience. This would have strengthened the exchange and resonated stronger in my mind, like Mr. Maktouf’s testimonial, rather than read third-party responses to the tweets about it.

Source : http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mehrunisa-qayyum/more-face-to-face-engagement_b_3165302.html

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“The political situation is in deadlock. The Muslim Brotherhood [MB], which controls the National Constituent Assembly and the interim government, enjoys legitimacy well beyond the very narrow mandate for which they were elected — namely for drafting the constitution,” says Lotfi Maktouf, author of the book, “Save Tunisia,” and founder and president of Almadanya, a Tunisian nongovernmental and non-political organization formed after the Tunisian revolution to empower citizens through development and cultural programs.

Three years ago on Dec. 17, 26-year-old Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire to protest the confiscation of his wares and the humiliation inflicted on him by a municipal official. Following his death on Jan. 4, 2011, anger and violence intensified in the country leading longtime President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali to step down on Jan. 14. Protests against Ben Ali’s authoritarian rule inspired uprisings across the Arab world.

After that, Tunisia saw its first free elections in years, but the country has been having serious political and economic problems — it has been in crisis since the assassination of two opposition politicians earlier this year.

On Dec. 14, Tunisian politicians agreed on a new prime minister after talks between the ruling Islamist Ennahdha party and the opposition, and Industry Minister Mehdi Jomaa will head a caretaker government until elections are held next year.

Maktouf, who kindly agreed to answer our questions online prior to his visit to İstanbul for his book’s launch in Turkish at a Turkish Policy Quarterly event on Jan. 16, elaborates on the issue.

Would you tell us about the nature of the current political crisis in Tunisia? What is going on?

The political situation is in deadlock. The Muslim Brotherhood, which controls the National Constituent Assembly and the interim government, enjoys legitimacy well beyond the very narrow mandate for which they were elected — namely for drafting the constitution. They were expected to finish off everything no later than Oct. 23, 2012. And here we are, still with no constitution, no framework for general elections but a systematic undertaking on their part to name people affiliated with the Islamists in all positions from ambassadors to local officials to heads of public enterprises to the security apparatus. People cannot understand the relevance of such focus other than positioning to consolidate the chances in case of elections that nobody now even trusts will ever take place. This is the nature of the crisis.

What can you tell us about the new caretaker government and its head Mr. Mehdi Jomaa? Does the transitional government seem to be up to the task of preparing the country for elections?

They have changed every other week since the launch of the “national dialogue.” After long and unclear negotiations, there appears to have been an agreement for Minister of Industry Mehdi Jomaa to head the transitional government. The civil society has been extremely disappointed. Several important factions of the dialogue, including leading parties such as Nidaa Tounes leading in the polls, did not even partake in the vote and selection of the future head of government. The argument seems to hover around the fact that the new government will not be neutral because its new prime minister is from the very government under which a prominent member of the National Constituent Assembly was assassinated and so many security personnel have been massacred by extremists without any arrests made. Under the same government to which Mr. Jomaa belonged, Tunisia has been downgraded and its economy is in a shambles.

Moreover, it would appear that although Mr. Jomma does not belong to the Islamist government, many detect significant and established affinities of him with the movement. I predict a very harsh task ahead for the new head of the executive. In addition, the ingredients of a true dialogue are not assembled. To start with, the so called “National Dialogue” is not open to youth or the unemployed. Also, the negotiation is focused on names and not on programs. Third, the Islamists pursue their plan of infiltrating the various components of the state and of passing laws in line with their ideology, taking advantage of a majority that was set for drafting the constitution and was not supposed to do anything else.

‘None of people’s demands met’

What were people’s expectations from the revolution and how much of those expectations have been met?

People’s expectations have been clearly voiced in an unusually clear way. The youth all over the country and in a consistent manner claimed: “Freedom, jobs, dignity.” It is quite regrettable that none of these demands have been met. The reason is that the politicians who ascended to power had a specific and precise mandate for drafting a democratic constitution within one year from Oct. 23, 2012, but they have used their position and power to embark on a totally different course.

What is that course? Would you elaborate?

They have been changing the very model of Tunisian society using what I call in my book the “Islamist protocol,” which is the ideology of the MB. So instead of focusing on the constitution in a scheme where even the government is a caretaker unit and temporary in nature, the Islamists controlled the government, along with the National Constituent Assembly, used their time and mandate to name affiliates in key positions in the administration and in public enterprises. None of these initiatives can be justified in the context of the transition period toward democracy and can be explained only in a context of taking control of the state ahead of any future elections.

What is the current situation of the economy in Tunisia?

By all accounts, it is in total collapse and the state is on the verge of bankruptcy. Our country has been downgraded by the S&P, Moody’s and Fitch five times in a little more than a year, with a negative perspective. Tourism, which is key to our economy and a source of income for a substantial portion of our families, is evaporating in the face of mounting violence, hate and suicide bombings. We are not accustomed to any of this. If this trend continues, I think we should expect further price hikes, inflation and, above all, the lack of vision and a solution to the political stalemate that will lead to chaos.

‘New uprisings are bound to occur’

The official unemployment rate in Tunisia is almost 16 percent, but among those under 30 years old it is almost double that. Do you expect new uprisings in Tunisia?

New uprisings are bound to occur. People blame politicians that little attention has been devoted to the fundamental reason for the initial uprisings: unemployment. Ever since the revolution took place, unemployment has been rising and nothing has been done in reversing the trend, let alone correcting the reasons for such a staggering situation. The inadequacy between the education system and the market demands stand as the chief reason for the outpouring of yet more youth on the job market with high qualifications but of no use. Added to all that are lack of vision, lack of performance, violence, political assassinations, lack of credit in the political establishment, and Ennahdha’s efforts to fill up key state positions with “their men” ahead of elections; so all ingredients seem to be there for a new explosion.

Foreign agencies are lowering Tunisia’s rating. This is probably making Tunisia an unattractive place to invest. Is Tunisia still able to get some needed credits from international agencies?

No. The only way is through the IMF and even the IMF has now refrained from paying the tranches waiting for a clearer political vision.

It is rare for the Arab world, but women hold more than 20 percent of seats in both chambers of parliament in Tunisia. Does it make a difference in politics and society?

Women are the backbone of the civil society and of the fight against extremism. I have dedicated my book to the women of my country for that very reason.

There has been a recent report on the BBC that three years after the Arab uprisings, Tunisian women are struggling to find work. What is the situation of women in regards to gender imbalance?

They are fighting against several attempts of the Ennahdha rule to limit all the rights acquired and enjoyed by women so far.

Do you see the ruling party Ennahdha as responsible for what goes wrong in Tunisia?

Yes, at the very least political responsibility, for a simple reason: They have been calling the shots ever since they ascended to power as a result of the Oct. 23, 2011 elections for the National Constituent Assembly. They are responsible for what is going wrong including violence, political assassinations, economic collapse and image failure on the international scene.

‘Ennahdha promotes image of moderate Islam’

In May last year, Yadh Ben Achour, president of the Authority to Achieve the Revolution’s Goals [an independent body tasked with giving advice to the government in post-Ben Ali Tunisia] told us in İstanbul, where he had come for a conference, that the Salafist movement in Tunisia could cause chaos in the country and threaten the revolution. Do you think Ben Achour’s prediction came true?

Yes. While the Salafists appear to advocate hard-line Islam, Ennahdha has been promoting the image of “moderate Islam.” The only difference between Ennahdha and the Salafists is that the latter adopt a fast-track version for full Islamist implementation with no intermediate steps — with not even the concept of democracy as a stepping stone. Indeed, it is often argued that while there is a natural harmony between Islam as a religion and democracy as a philosophy and type of governance, Islamist ideology is structurally and conceptually in conflict with democracy. Salafists recognize this contradiction and therefore they openly oppose democracy.

What do you see behind the success of Ennahdha following the revolution?

Ennahdha’s line was simple for people: Obey God, live with and promote integrity and fight corruption; welfare and material ease will automatically follow. Who in Tunisia, fresh from the nightmare of Ben Ali’s corrupt and violent years, would resist such an attractive, non-controversial message? Most of the electorate, composed of rural and poor people, would easily adhere to this project, even though no detailed program on how to get there was put forward. The secular opposition, mostly leftist, offered only fragmented blurbs, too fuzzy for the masses to understand. As a result, in the campaign for the election of the constitutional assembly, no one addressed the core subjects, but Ennahdha managed to attach integrity, purity, trust and even Islam to its own “brand.” A majority of voters, who, for the first time, found themselves in the freedom booth, picked Ennahdha, figuring that there is nothing to fear from those who fear God.

‘Ennahdha cannot sell Turkish success as natural outcome of voting for Islamists’

Some Ennahdha officials named Turkey a role model, regarding the relationship between state and religion; they even compare Ennahdha to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) in Turkey. Do you find similarities between Ennahdha and AK Party?

It is, in my view, incorrect on the part of Ennahdha to present the Turkish economic exceptional success story as a showcase for Islamist economics. My analysis demonstrates that if Turkey has done so well economically until very recently, it is because of healthy economic decisions unrelated and not attributed to Islamist rules, but simple, prudent economics. And the amazing economic performance showed the world that this can only be explained by the power and cohesion of the Turkish machine including its captains of industry, its workers, its teachers, its army and security, its doctors and teachers. All components of the society deserve the credit for Turkey’s economic success. The prudent management principles followed do not owe to any particular ideology. In fact, as soon as the government decided to inject ideology into the economic model and the regulatory process, distortions erupted. Ennahdha therefore cannot sell the Turkish success as the natural outcome of voting for the Islamists. In fact, the best proof is that almost three years of Islamist governance led Tunisia to total collapse.

‘Turkish govt’s positions in Syria, Egypt conflicts leave Tunisians confused’

What are the perceptions of the general Tunisian public about Turkey?

Turkey has always enjoyed a bright and positive image in Tunisia. We all studied Kemal Atatürk at school and were inspired by his charisma, vision and leadership. Our own historic leader and the father of the modern Tunisia is a spiritual son of Atatürk in terms of betting on progress and modernity for his own country. For a while, the AK Party experience intrigued the Tunisians especially after our revolution and the sudden takeover by the Islamists who sold people the “Turkish Model” as their program. Many people in Tunisia looked at Turkey as indeed the model for the Arab Muslim societies.

The perception is no longer the same after the Gezi Park protests and their impact on the image of current governance in Turkey manifested by the perceived as violent and disproportionate handling of the uprisings. Reports on the reverse thrust of the economy, the weakening of the lira and the image of the so-called Turkish Model have put the Ennahdha in an awkward position. The Turkish government’s role and stance both in the Syrian conflict and the Egyptian power struggle leave Tunisians confused. While the Islamists support the Turkish choices, for non-Islamists, the majority, according to several observers, call attacks against the current rulers of Egypt as interference in domestic affairs, and the role played in the Syrian civil war as imprudent and unrewarding because the entire matter is now handled by Russia and the US. But all in all, the admiration, including mine, of the very idea of Turkey as a proud and deep-rooted nation with such a brave and generous people, of course, prevails in my country.

From Today’s Zaman – 15 December 2013

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L’association ‘Almadanya’ a décidé de prendre en charge financièrement et ce pendant 3 ans et pendant l’année scolaire 3800 élèves issus des régions du Kef, Mahdia, Siliana, Jendouba, Kébili.

Cette prise en charge s’effectuera au niveau des abonnements  de transports et des fournitures scolaires et cette expérience s’avère être une réussite.

Selon des parents d’élèves, cette expérience de prise en charge est une réussite car une petite fille Fatima issue d’une des régions a obtenu 16,5/20 de moyenne pour avoir gagner en temps grâce aux transports,qui attendent chaque élève à la sortie d’école, proposés par l’association.

Article original : http://www.tuniscope.com/article/31955/vie/associations/regions-295710

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Si on s’était limité à croire les conclusions d’une récente étude réalisée par l’Observatoire Ilef pour la protection du consommateur et des contribuables selon lesquelles «près de la moitié des ONG (plus de 6.000) en Tunisie ne se conforment pas aux objectifs proclamés par leurs statuts et exercent des activités déguisées, voire contraires à leur vocation initiale alors que quelque 19% des associations caritatives et à caractère religieux exercent des activités totalement différentes des objectifs assignés par leurs statuts», on serait tenté de désespérer définitivement du tissu associatif dans le pays.

Et pourtant, en dépit de cette instrumentalisation scandaleuse des ONG à des fins politiques, religieuses ou autres, il existe des associations, véritablement militantes, qui font du bon boulot et qui sont parvenues, deux ans seulement après leur création, à faire ce que l’Etat n’a pas pu faire, des décennies durant.

C’est particulièrement le cas de l’Association de développement Almadanya. Selon son président, Lofti Maktouf, avocat aux Etats-Unis et ancien conseiller au FMI, l’objectif de son ONG est d’aider les jeunes démunis des régions à prédominance rurale à accéder, dans des conditions minimales, au savoir et à la connaissance, de disposer d’un minimum de chances pour se créer un emploi, de connaître l’histoire millénaire de leur pays et de profiter de la diversité de ses ressources naturelles (mer, Sahara, forêts, oasis, plaines, parcs naturels…).

Il estime, dans une interview accordée à Radio Express Fm, qu’«au regard de la modestie de ses ressources naturelles, l’avenir de la Tunisie dépendra de l’engagement de la société civile dans les questions de développement et dans l’intensification de l’investissement dans l’éducation laquelle demeure l’ascenseur social le plus indiqué pour le pays».

Concrètement, son association travaille sur une dizaine de projets dont quatre retiennent particulièrement l’attention.
Le premier dénommé «permis de rêver» consiste à financer la formation des jeunes chômeurs dans les zones reculées et principalement agricoles pour l’obtention du permis de conduire. Les résultats sont spectaculaires: 90% des bénéficiaires ont trouvé un emploi après l’obtention de ce document.

Le deuxième, baptisé «Fatma» du nom d’une jeune fille rurale qui a obtenu d’excellents résultats scolaires grâce, entre autres, à l’apport de ce projet. Ce dernier, lancé en partenariat avec la Banque nationale agricole (BNA), consiste à assurer le transport rural (taxis ruraux) des écoliers dans le gouvernorat de Jendouba (nord-ouest). 1.147 écoliers bénéficieront de ce programme durant 3 ans. Des actions similaires sont engagées dans les gouvernorats du Kef, Siliana, Kébili et Mahdia. Quelque 1.285 écoliers sont transportés quotidiennement dans ces régions.

Le troisième porte sur l’organisation annuelle de la lecture. Ce concours, ouvert aux élèves des 6ème et 8ème années de l’école de base et des 1èreet 2ème secondaire, a pour but à faire aimer le livre aux jeunes générations. Ce concours, qui est à sa deuxième édition, est couronné par la distribution de prix aux 200 premiers élèves et écoliers lecteurs.

Le quatrième, dénommé «Racines» a pour but de concevoir et de financer un cycle d’excursions et de sensibilisation au profit de la population scolaire rurale. L’objectif est de les faire visiter les musées du pays et les plus beaux sites naturels du pays.

Pour Lotfi Maktouf, «nos enfants doivent savoir de quelle terre ils viennent pour mieux se mesurer au monde».

«Racines» s’est fixé comme objectif de permettre à tous les écoliers dans la tranche d’âge de 12 à 16 ans de visiter au moins une fois un ou plusieurs lieux significatifs de cette terre tunisienne. Parmi ces lieux, Almadanya a sélectionné Carthage, Dougga, Kairouan, Séjoumi, le Musée du Bardo, Tozeur, Bizerte, les parcs nationaux de Bou-Hedma, Ichkeul, Chaâmbi et Boukornine.

Et pour ne rien oublier, par delà ces projets, l’Association Almadanya présente l’avantage d’être apolitique et de ne pas refuser le partenariat ni avec le public ni avec le privé. C’est une nouvelle mentalité. Tant mieux.

Article original : http://www.webmanagercenter.com/magazine/societe/2013/05/27/135288/tunisie-almadanya-l-ong-qui-fait-mieux-que-le-gouvernement

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La Banque nationale agricole (BNA) s’est engagée à financer le programme «Fatma» de transport rural des écoliers dans le gouvernorat de Jendouba (nord-ouest). 1.147 écoliers bénéficieront de ce programme durant 3 ans.

La convention de partenariat pour le financement de ce programme a été signée, le vendredi 29 mars, au siège du gouvernorat de Jendouba, par le Pdg de la BNA, Jaâfar Khatteche, et Lotfi Maktouf, président de l’association de développement Almadanya, en présence du gouverneur Samir Rwihem. Ainsi que du délégué régional du ministère de l’Education, Abdellatif Soltani, et des responsables régionaux de la BNA et d’Almadanya.

Le programme «Fatma» consiste à mettre en place une logistique de navette pour transporter les écoliers en zones rurales, en association avec les taxis ruraux.

A ce jour, Almadanya transporte quotidiennement 1.285 écolières et écoliers dans 4 gouvernorats: le Kef, Siliana, Kébili et Mahdia.

«Selon les statistiques du ministère de l’Education, 40% des écoles de la république sont rurales. Les écoliers âgés de 6 à 12 ans sont obligés de parcourir quotidiennement en moyenne 1 à 14 kilomètres à pied. Par conséquent, 70.000 écoliers abandonnent l’école chaque année. C’est le genre de statistiques qui font peur et qui doivent nous inquiéter au plus haut point. Et c’est pour cela qu’Almadanya s’est, dès sa création en juin 2011, engagée à rendre réel le droit à l’éducation», rappelle Lotfi Maktouf, qui se félicite du«véritable engagement communautaire de la BNA, banque citoyenne, dont la responsabilité sociale devrait être source d’inspiration à d’autres institutions.»

Grâce à ce nouveau partenariat avec la BNA, le volume des écoliers dont le transport (et, par conséquent, l’accès à l’éducation) est assuré va presque doubler, passant de 1.285 à 2.432.

Le partenariat BNA-Almadaya vise à étendre le programme Fatma au gouvernorat de Jendouba avec pour cible le transport quotidien de 1.147 écoliers pour les trois années scolaires 2013/2014, 2014/2015 et 2015/2016, dans un premier temps, et de pérenniser ce programme sur les prochaines années.

«A la BNA, nous sommes très conscients de notre responsabilité citoyenne envers les régions dans un souci de solidarité à la fois inter régionale et inter générationnelle. Notre première action entreprise dans le cadre de la promotion de l’éducation a commencé en 2011 avec le parrainage de l’opération Madrassati: collecte de dons pour l’aménagement et la réhabilitation de certaines écoles primaires endommagées lors de la révolution. Le droit à l’éducation doit être accessible à tous car notre avenir en dépend» a déclaré, de son côté M. Khatteche, lors de la signature de la Convention de Partenariat avec Almadanya.

I. B. (avec communiqué).

The post Partenariat entre la BNA et Almadanya pour le transport des écoliers en milieu rural – Kapitalis.com appeared first on ALMADANYA.

L’association tunisienne de développement : Almadanya

« Le succès de la révolution tunisienne se mesurera dans sa capacité collective à transformer la conquête des libertés en postes d’emploi, en pouvoir d’achat réel, en opportunités économiques, bref en dynamique de croissance réelle et en perspectives sociales. Le danger est que ces libertés demeurent lettre morte déposée sur des rayons vides, des ateliers fermés, des hôtels désertés, des dispensaires sous-équipés et des files interminables de chômeurs. Démontrer que démocratie rime avec développement et justice sociale constitue aujourd’hui l’enjeu et le défi. »

• Permis de rêver – Financer la formation au permis de conduire.
• Baladi – Développer et instaurer un réseau de sites web d’information dans toutes les municipalités.
• Campus – Tenir des séminaires sur les thèmes d’actualités
• Racines – Concevoir et financer un cycle d’excursions et sensibilisation au profit de la population scolaire.
• Grenier – Créer un cycle de formation et des centres de commercialisation au profit des jeunes agriculteurs.
• Make it Tunisia – Augmenter l’attractivité de la Tunisie.
• Wave – Encourager et financer la création et la publication de contenu libre.
• Capital – Accompagner la création de petites et moyennes entreprises. Reconnaitre et récompenser l’excellence

The post Coup de Coeur – hammam-ensa.com appeared first on ALMADANYA.

« Almadanya », qui signifie « la civile » est une association de droit tunisien à but non lucratif vouée à la problématique du développement. Ses membres fondateurs ont voyagé dans la Tunisie post révolutionnaire pour écouter et comprendre les principaux griefs et attentes de nos concitoyens.

Il en ressort la ferme et immédiate détermination d’y répondre par une série de programmes concrets et immédiats,Simples et modestes certes mais vrais.

« Almadanya »  se consacre en particulier à la promotion de zones défavorisées et à l’éducation et à la formation des chômeurs avec une attention particulière attachée à la condition de chômeurs diplômés et des jeunes filles en milieu rural.

Association de développement et  apolitique, son Président fondateur  Lotfi Maktouf  précise en ces termes que  « l’association est  ouverte à toutes et à tous et ses programmes n’exigent aucune affiliation politique. Elle ne se substitue pas aux structures en place et vise à en solliciter le maximum. Ainsi, au lieu de créer des nouvelles structures d’enseignement de la conduite, Almadanya fait appel aux auto-écoles existantes.

Au centre du développement se situe la règle cardinale du rôle conjoint et égal de l’homme et de la femme sans prédestination de tâches ni de responsabilités. La démocratie étant fondée sur la non-discrimination, « Almadanya » en fait son principe. Nous exigeons la parité entre hommes et femmes parmi les destinataires des programmes de notre association. La priorité de notre travail est donnée aux chômeurs et aux zones intérieures… »Almadanya » n’a pas vocation à résoudre tous les problèmes de la Tunisie. Réaliste, elle se pose simplement en source d’inspiration afin que d’autres s’engagent ».

TB

Article original : http://www.mille-et-une-tunisie.com/accueil/actualites/1835-almadanya-priorite-aux-chomeurs-et-aux-zones-interieures.html

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